The Scottish Liberal Democrats are the last of Scotland’s six main parties to publish their manifesto ahead of elections on Thursday 7 May.
Their plans for Scotland were announced on Friday 17 April, one day after the SNP published their own document.
Overall, the Scottish Lib Dems have some promising policies in their manifesto on the issues of democratic and electoral reform.
Changing the Additional Member System
The Scottish Liberal Democrats are the only one of the six main parties to have explicitly committed to replacing Holyrood’s Additional Member System with a fairer alternative, in this case the Single Transferable Vote.
Scotland is on track for its least representative election ever, yet other parties have failed to grasp the seriousness of this. If designed well, STV would improve proportionality and, crucially, strengthen voter power over individual candidates up for election.
An eye-catching proposal is Alex Cole-Hamilton’s plan for an Accountability Act, which would improve ministerial accountability and introduce a recall rule for MSPs.
The Scottish Lib Dems have also pledged to protect drovlution by removing the ability of the UK Parliament to unilaterally change the powers of devolved parliaments.
There are also proposals to reform Quangos, implement a federal, written constitution, and devolve power to local communities.
Overall, highlights include John Swinney’s commitment to winning a majority of seats to secure a second independence referendum, a £2 bus fare cap, a “welcome to school bag”, and maximum prices for essential food items.
But on issues relating to electoral and democratic reform, the manifesto was surprisingly and disappointingly bare.
In fact, democracy was mentioned just twice throughout the whole document.
Other parties have so far made pledges on introducing a recall rule for rule-breaking MSPs, automatic voter registration, reforming the way councillor vacancies are filled, and empowering the Scottish Parliament’s committees. Yet the SNP’s focus on anything to do with elections and democracy is their pledge for a referendum in 2028.
That said there are a couple of pledges that are related.
The party commits to listening to the Scottish Parliament’s Finance and Public Administration Committee’s recent report by amalgamating a number of commitissioners and implementing non-executive oversight for all commissioners.
Inquiry reform
The SNP also proposes to reform the Inquiries Act to create various levels of inquiries.
Current polling suggests the SNP could win a majority of seats despite a notable fall in support. While the SNP support Proportional Representation in principle, with a majority being the SNP’s route to negotiating for a second referendum, it’s no surprise that John Swinney’s plans do not include a pledge to reform or replace the Additional Member System. That’s an extremely disappointing outcome, considering that AMS is creaking at the seams.
The full SNP manifesto can be read here. All have Scotland’s six main parties have published manifestos, bar the Scottish Liberal Democrats who are set to launch theirs on Friday 17 April 2026.
The Scottish Greens launched their manifesto on Tuesday 14 April, just shy of three weeks before the election in May. The party are hoping for their best ever Holyrood election result and made those intentions clear at their launch in Glasgow.
My first thought looking at the manifesto was how the title stands out as being very familiar. If you’ve had the same thought it’s because it’s rather reminiscent of a previous Liberal Democrat slogan “demand better”.
The Scottish Lib Dem manifesto is due on Friday while the SNP are expected to publish theirs on Thursday.
This follows Reform, the Scottish Conservatives and Scottish Labour who have all published their plans.
Independence and democracy
Unsurprisingly, the Greens reaffirm their commitment to independence, linking it with their wider policies on democracy in one clear section. Notably the party doesn’t even mention a referendum but calls for the devolution of foreign affairs.
Positive steps to improve Scottish democracy include a proposals for a Trust and Transparency Strategy and the introduction of a recall rule for MSPs.
The ending of cash deposits for election candidates is also welcome as that would democratise Scotland’s nominations process. Automatic voter registration is also a good inclusion, highlighting the absurdity that such a system isn’t already in place.
The manifesto also has a dedicated section on local democracy.
One eye-catching proposal is the move towards making councillors a full-time position. That is something which needs a lot more thinking and financing to make it feasible.
The party also wants to reform the way vacancies are filled when councillors resign from their position. There’s a lack of detail here, but the obvious alternative to disruptive and non-representative by-elections is co-option. However, any co-option proposals would need to have strong democratic safeguards.
Disappointingly, the party lacks any commitment to replace Scotland’s failing Additional Member System.
Their 2021 manifesto also lacked such a commitment while their 2016 document committed them to the Single Transferable Vote.
The party did however outline it’s support for Proportional Representation at all levels of governance in the 2024 UK General Election.
But that all said, it’s striking that there are no proposals to reform Holyrood’s Additional Member System as we hurtle towards what’s likely to be Scotland’s most disproportional election ever.
The Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar published his party’s manifesto for the 2026 election on Monday 13 April 2026. Here’s what the party has pledged to do if it defies the odds and is returned to power after nineteen years in opposition at Holyrood.
Scottish Labour want regional mayors for regions that want them
The manifesto commits the party to consulting on regional mayors, learning from blueprints in England. This isn’t a surprise and has been floated by Anas Sarwar previously. Crucially, the party only supports mayors if there is local support.
Regional mayors sound like an answer to re-energise local democracy in Scotland by having one single figure of accountability who can champion local interests. But regional mayors risk putting a lot of power into one person’s hands while also limiting multi-party politics at a time where people have a wide range of views on issues. Any proposals for such mayors should be carefully considered, as representative as possible and actively supported by local people. They’re not necessarily right for Scotland, but if they do ever go ahead they must be robust as possible with strong safeguards to ensure multi-party representation and real voter power over them.
Anas Sarwar hopes to decentrentralise power away from Holyrood
The other plank of Scottish Labour’s limited democracy plans for Scotland is to “push decision making power out of Holyrood so local people have more of a say over public services” as part of a Local Democracy Act.
They pledge to: “Push power out of Holyrood and grant Scottish regions the opportunity to take control of local skills and employability schemes, transport, and housingso they can tailor interventions to ocal needs andencourage cooperation between local authorities toreduce duplication and deliver economic outcomes.”
There’s also an interesting idea to force statutory consultations when local councils plan to cut local services such as libraries.
Ambitious plans to enhance accountability at Holyrood: second job rules and empowering committees
After a worrying manifesto from Reform on the democracy front and lacklustre democracy reform proposals from the Scottish Conservatives, Scottish Labour have some welcome ideas to improve accountability in the Scottish Parliament.
This includes welcome regulation over on second jobs for MSPs and lobbying.
There’s also a proposal to introduce a right to recall MSPs who don’t live up to public standards, which is welcome to see after proposals faltered in the last parliament.
Scottish Labour also want to strengthen committees by giving them teeth to compel witnesses and by electing committee convenors, which is due to happen regardless.
The proposal to provide parliamentary privilege to MSPs is also welcome to strengthen the legitimacy of MSPs on a par with MPs who already have that right.
And lastly, there’s another welcome pledge to split the role of the Lord Advocate to separate the responsibilities of Scotland’s chief prosecutor and the Scottish Government’s legal advisor, a proposal that’s long over due.
The manifesto makes no mention of improving Scotland’s Additional Member System which could well deliver Scotland’s least representative election since 1999.
Disappointingly, there’s also no commitment to revert to four-year fixed terms so voters have a more regular say on who represents them.
Have the SNP, the Scottish Lib Dems and other parties published their manifestos?
Reform UK launched their Scottish manifesto first, publishing their document at the end of March.
While the Russell Findlay’s Scottish Conservatives published theirs on Tuesday 7 April, a month before the vote.
The SNP, Scottish Greens and Liberal Democrats are yet to publish their own policies ahead of the vote.
Plaid Cymru’s manifesto for the 2026 election makes the case to reform the Senedd’s recently changed electoral system.
During the last Senedd session Welsh Labour and Plaid Cymru came together to reform Wales’ Additional Member System (AMS). AMS has ensured an element of proportionality in elections since 1999 but the dominance of constituency (much more so than in Scotland) has delivered only somewhat proportional elections.
The 2026 election is being held under a closed list proportional system with 16 multi-member constituencies, each electing 6 MSs.
Abolishing the First Past the Post element by replacing AMS was a welcome step forward, but closed list voting puts an incredible amount of power in the hands of parties. Moving towards the Single Transferable Vote or and open list system would address these concerns.
What does Plaid Cymru’s manifesto say on electoral reform?
Plaid Cymru’s manifesto notes that closed lists were not their preferred option for change.
They also call for a system that delivers real choice, ultimately backing STV for the Senedd and Welsh local government.
This is a positive step to improve proportionality, representation and voter choice at elections. However, if they do succeed in changing the system so soon they do run the risk of frustrating voters by changing things yet again. Their call to build consensus in the issue therefore matters considerably.
Recent polls in Wales suggest Plaid Cymru could become the largest party in the Senedd, a significant change from Labour’s dominance since 1999 and at UK General Elections for a century.
Reform are biting at their heels for first place while the Greens hope to win their first MSs.
Meanwhile, polls suggest the Labour and Conservative votes are collapsing.
While the Lib Dems are hoping to keep their sole seat and gain another if possible.
The new Ipsos poll for STV (the broadcaster, not the voting system) adds to existing evidence that Scotland is on track for the most unrepresentative election in Holyrood’s short history. The SNP are on track to win far more seats than they would be entitled to under a truly proportional system.
STV and Ballot Box Scotland projections for the poll (data collected 26 – 31 March) puts the SNP on 63 seats with just 39% of the list vote and 29% of the regional vote.
That’s a big disparity between seats and votes yet again even if not as stark as other polls such a Find Out Now’s recent MRP poll.
In fact, the scale of this is shown by comparing these projected results with the results if all seats were allocated via the list element alone, which is meant to determine the proportional make-up of the Scottish Parliament. Using this measure, the SNP are actually 20 seats ahead of where they should be. The Greens, Labour and Conservatives are underrepresented by 4 seats, Reform by 5 and the Lib Dems by 3.
First Past the Post is wrecking the Additional Member System
The reason for these projected mismatches between seat and vote shares is the dominance of First Past the Post seats at Holyrood combined with the SNP expected to do very well to win lots of constituencies but not on a share of the vote reflecting that success.
The rise of Reform in particular is splitting unionist votes in these constituencies, giving the SNP an advantage to come through the middle and win seats on a lower vote share. This is compounded by the Greens only standing in a handful of constituencies, limiting options for pro-independence voters on the constituency ballot.
The SNP are therefore likely to win the vast majority of constituency seats meaning other parties will make up their wins on the list ballot. However, with the SNP expected to win more seats than they would be entitled to if all seats were allocated via list votes, the number seats to be allocated to other parties falls short of the number required to correct the SNP’s overrepresentation wins on the constituency ballot.
A supermajority for independence?
Let’s be clear, this skewed link between seats and votes would be a problem no matter the party benefitting from this flaw. So, to everyone getting excited about the prospect of an SNP majority because of this, or a supermajority for independence, as democrats we should all be concerned by any distortion of the link between seats and votes. Ask yourself, how would you feel if a party you deeply oppose, such as Reform, were to benefit from this in future?
If you genuinely believe it’s a good thing that a party can do disproportionately well by winning constituencies without corrections to their overrepresentation in a mixed-member proportional system, you’re wrong – but at least you’re consistent.
If you’re in favour of this set-up to benefit your party then you should ask yourself some serious questions about your views on representative democracy.
The next Scottish Parliament must address this flaw with the Additional Member System. The simplest way to do this is to correct the imbalance between list and constituency seats, either by introducing leveling seats, adding list seats to each region or by cutting constituency MSPs and replacing them with list MSPs (if politicians are committed to 129 members).
However, these changes will only go so far and won’t address the limited power voters have over electing individuals to represent them, among other flaws of AMS. This could be addressed by switching the list ballot from closed to open, or replacing AMS altogether by introducing the STV (the Single Transferable Vote not the broadcaster this time!) or an open list PR system.
More and more evidence suggests Scotland is on track for its most unrepresentative election. The next parliament must address the issue head on.
Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay has today (Tuesday 7 April 2026) in Edinburgh launched his party’s manifesto exactly one month before the Scottish Parliament election on Thursday 7 May.
The party has dedicated over two pages to democracy and accountability issues. Here’s what they have to say.
What does the manifesto say on democracy and accountability?
The below is taken directly from the manifesto.
To strengthen democracy and accountability, Scottish Conservative MSPs will:
Create a Scottish Information and Whistle blowers Commission – giving whistleblowers a place to expose state failings without fear of being punished.
End the SNP’s culture of secrecy with a Government Transparency Bill.
Require all third-sector organisations receiving taxpayer money to declare this fact explicitly on their website, social media and in front of parliamentary committees if they are giving evidence.
Improve the transparency of public sector decision making by requiring taxpayer-funded pressure groups to disclose their lobbying efforts.
End the use of non-disclosure agreements in the public sector, except for commercial reasons, so that whistleblowers are no longer silenced when they see wrongdoing.
Review charity law to consider whether bodies that receive almost all their funding from government or the public sector should still be classed as charities.
Place new restrictions on political appointments within government and the wider public sector to prevent ministers abusing these powers of patronage.
Introduce a proper Recall Bill that will allow the public to sack MSPs who have broken the rules or are failing to do their job.
Over two pages, you say? What’s on the rest of them?
The manifesto goes into a level of detail on these particular asks, often levelling criticism at the current Scottish Government, highlighting financial prudence and improving transparency and scrutiny.
What chance do the Scottish Conservatives have in May?
Elections are always difficult to predict and campaigns can certainly shift the dial. That all said, based on current polling and mood music across Scotland, the Scottish Conservatives are almost certain to lose a significant number of seats and crucially lose their status as the second largest party.
With the rise of Reform UK, there’s a real risk that this will be the Conservatives’ worst ever Holyrood election result.
The days of Ruth Davidson are gone.
Where can I read the Scottish Conservatives’ manifesto?
The latest MRP poll for the Scottish Parliament elections puts the SNP on course for a majority of seats on just 29% (list) and 34% (constituency) of the vote.
MRP polling is a way to use a small survey with population data to estimate what a whole population thinks by adjusting the results to reflect different types of people in the real world.
Its worth highlighting that while Find Out Now/the National projects that this would give the SNP a majority, others suggest they fall short such as Devolved Elections Project. But even in this projection, 61 seats is still a seat-share that doesn’t reflect vote-shares, highlighting the need for change.
Our projection for Scottish Parliament based on the latest Find Out Now MRP for @scotnational.bsky.social 🎗️ SNP — 61🌹 Lab — 19➡️ Ref — 17🌱 GP — 14🐤 LD — 10🌳 Con — 8Make your own on: devolvedelections.co.uk/scotland/
We’re on track for the most unrepresentative Scottish Parliament
Scotland is on track for a highly unrepresentative election. It’s early days in the short campaign, but recent polls including this one highlight a major mismatch between seats and votes is on its way.
This unrepresentativeness is driven by the dominance of constituency seats in the Additional Member System combined with the SNP expected to do extreme well on those seats on a vote share that fails to account fully for that success.
These polls, and the election result when it comes, must be a wake up call for Scotland’s politicians. The Additional Member System needs reform at a minimum and replacement ideally to ensure seats match votes and voters have power over candidates elected.
First Past the Post is driving disproportionality in Scotland’s chamber. The seventh Parliament must improve democracy in Scotland once and for all.
The latest poll for the 2026 Scottish Parliament election continues the trend of the SNP coming close to winning a majority of seats on around a third of votes. Talk about unrepresentative democracy.
Notably, the poll puts Reform on 15% of the constituency and list vote, down four points from the previous poll in February.
The main headline of this poll should be these unrepresentative seat projections, adding to an emerging trend, suggesting that the SNP are significantly down on their 2021 vote but are estimated to win three seats shy of a majority.
Ballot Box Scotland projects that these numbers would give the SNP 62 seats. Labour would be on 20, Reform on 14, the Greens on a record 12, the Lib Dems on their best result since 2007 with 10, and the Conservatives down from second place to fifth with 11 seats.
This divergence of seats and votes is driven by the imbalance of constituency and list seats in the Scottish Parliament. 73 out of the 129 seats are elected via First Past the Post, meaning that a party can do well winning lots of these even if their vote share doesn’t reflect their success in winning seats. This is compounded by the limited number of list seats available, meaning other parties can’t be compensated for the SNP winning more seats via constituencies than they would be entitled to if all seats were allocated proportionality.
Ballot Box Scotland estimates that if seats were allocated by the proportional list element alone, then the SNP would be on 44 seats, a seat share far more representative than what is currently projected.
With the election campaign now underway, there’s a very real chance the polls could change. But as things stand, Holyrood is on track for the most unrepresentative Parliament in its history.
The next Scottish Parliament must review its voting system and commit to reform in order to improve proportionality and voter power over candidates.
This poll further highlights another reason to address the Additional Member System’s flaws and upgrade Scottish democracy.
Voters in Scotland are going to the polls on Thursday 7 May 2026 to elect 129 MSPs.
Here’s how the Scotland’s Additional Member System works.
First Past the Post seats
Scotland is divided into 73 constituencies elected via First Past the Post. In this system, you get one vote for candidates in your constituency. The candidate with the most votes in each constituency wins the seat to become the constituency MSP.
On these seats alone, the share of votes cast for each party across Scotland are unlikely to match up with the proportion of seats won. To address this disproportionality, that’s where the other 56 seats come into play.
The country is also divided into eight regions each electing eight MSPs.
With this, you also get another ballot where you vote for a party of your choice. This party list element adds an element of proportionality to the Scottish Parliament so seats broadly match votes (although it’s worth highlighting that the system has proportionality problems that risk being on full display this May).
The allocation of party list seats is determined by list votes cast per party while also taking into account of constituency seats won by each party so seats roughly match votes over all.
If a party does wins lots of constituency seats in a region, they are unlikely to pick up many list seats. This has been the case for the SNP and Scottish Lib Dems in recent years. Similarly, if a party does well on the list ballot but not in constituencies, such as the Scottish Greens, then they will pick up list seats.
Upgrade Holyrood 